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The occupation troops manned border control stations, maintained checkpoints at road junctions and bridges, sent out roving patrols to apprehend curfew and circulation violators, and kept stationary guards at railroad bridges, Army installations, DP camps, jails, telephone exchanges, factories, and banks. In the first months troops were plentiful and almost everything of importance-and some not so important-was guarded. 2 In effect, the combat forces became military government security troops.
The army-type occupation was comprehensive and showed the Germans that they were defeated and their country occupied. This type of occupation was presumably capable of squelching incipient resistance since none was evident. On the other hand, it employed a much larger number of troops than would be available for the permanent occupation and did so at considerable cost in combat potential and discipline. The larger units lost their cohesiveness, and in the platoons and companies discipline weakened. Ironically, the supposed chief beneficiary, military government, concluded after two months’ experience that the better plan would have been to form the occupational police battalions General Gullion had asked for and been refused in 1942. The tactical troops thought in terms of military security and therefore often followed different priorities.
than would have been most useful to military government. The public safety officer in Marburg, for instance, complained that he was having to spend most of his time explaining to the tactical troops why they should, besides protecting potential sabotage targets and checking passes, also supply guards for the $200-million worth of art work, 400 tons of German Foreign Office records, and 84 tank cars loaded with mercury, all of which were in military government custody. 3.
The most obvious defect of the blanket occupation was its impermanence. The vast majority of the troops were going to be redeployed either to the Pacific or home for discharge. Their work in Germany was finished the day the war ended. Some troops would be there for weeks, some for months, but all would be almost constantly on the move outward. In July, after the withdrawal to the zone was completed, SHAEF published a revised deployment plan. It was based on an assumed permanent occupation force of 8 divisions: 3 for the Western Military District, 4 for the Eastern Military District, 1 (less 1 regiment) for Berlin, and 1 regiment for Bremen. The army-type occupation would be retained but revised. Two regiments, one armored and one airborne, would lie trained and held ready as a mobile striking force. The others would be static and engage in occupation duty but would be stationed in regimental concentrations near main administrative centers and not again dissipated by battalions and companies. 4.
The ban on fraternization had been in force eight months by V-E Day – long enough in the opinion of those who had to enforce it and, no doubt, too long to suit those required to observe it. After his tour of occupied Germany in late April, Colonel Starnes recommended revising the nonfraternization orders "to a common sense basis immediately [after] hostilities cease . . . . A non-fraternization policy anywhere," he told Smith, "with an), people with whom we are not at war will appear childish, senseless, and in a very short time all of us will be ashamed that we ever behaved in such a manner." 5 Three days after the surrender Bradley and Smith talked about modifying the policy; at almost the same time in Washington, Marshall was talking to Elmer Davis, Director of the Office of War Information. The subject was the Goering case and the alleged friendly treatment of other high-ranking Germans which, Davis said and Marshall reported in a cable to Eisenhower, had aroused "an intense public reaction, approaching and in many cases reaching bitterness." Smith later sent a copy of the cable to Bradley with the comment, "It seems to me that this is a fairly good answer to our conversation." 6.
For two months thereafter, SHAEF wrestled with itself, trying desperately to enforce the nonfraternization policy and, just as desperately, to get rid of it. Deluged with letters, telegrams, and editorials protesting the Goering incident, Marshall ordered Eisenhower on 14 May to "stimu-
late stories and pictures showing the stern attitude of American military personnel" toward German prisoners of all ranks. For a start, Eisenhower issued a public statement disapproving all forms of fraternization and an order to the US commands threatening to deal summarily with any future incidents. 7 A week later, however, he asked Clay‘s opinion on a switch to the milder nonfraternization policy stated in the 1944 War Department’s "Guide to Germany." In his reply, Clay summed up the dilemma in one sentence: "While it is recognized that discipline in the Army should not be governed by public opinion, we cannot completely forget the effects of public opinion . . . ." He believed that to relax the nonfraternization policy, except possibly with respect to small children, would be "misunderstood by the press and the public." However, he was apparently convinced that the "Guide" policy was the only feasible one, and he recommended having a study made to determine how it could be put into effect after the combined command terminated. 8.

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